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Romano-British and early medieval settlement, medieval church, castle and associated features on Tintagel Island and adjoining mainland

A Scheduled Monument in Tintagel, Cornwall

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Coordinates

Latitude: 50.6686 / 50°40'7"N

Longitude: -4.7614 / 4°45'41"W

OS Eastings: 204960.527797

OS Northings: 89078.412183

OS Grid: SX049890

Mapcode National: GBR N1.76R4

Mapcode Global: FRA 07X9.NW0

Entry Name: Romano-British and early medieval settlement, medieval church, castle and associated features on Tintagel Island and adjoining mainland

Scheduled Date: 9 October 1981

Last Amended: 18 November 1996

Source: Historic England

Source ID: 1014793

English Heritage Legacy ID: 15446

County: Cornwall

Civil Parish: Tintagel

Built-Up Area: Tintagel

Traditional County: Cornwall

Lieutenancy Area (Ceremonial County): Cornwall

Church of England Parish: Tintagel

Church of England Diocese: Truro

Details

The monument includes remains of activity on Tintagel Island and the adjacent
mainland on the north coast of Cornwall dating from the Roman period to the
19th century AD. These remains include Romano-British occupation surfaces
succeeded by a large fifth-sixth century settlement engaged in high status
trading activity.
Later medieval remains include an 11th century church on the island and a 13th
century castle of the Earls of Cornwall, with features dispersed over both the
island and the adjacent mainland. The monument also includes sites of two
small 16th century blockhouses on the island and remains of medieval and later
quarries and a lead/silver mine. Apart from the western defensive features on
the mainland and the southern part of the castle's hollowed approach, this
monument is in the care of the Secretary of State.
The monument's earliest occupation is dated by third-fourth century AD Roman
finds associated with occupation surfaces excavated in the early 1990s on
slight terraces on the steep eastern flank of the island. The surfaces include
hearths, some slab-floored and lined, with traces of stake-built structures
and are considered to indicate sites of industrial activity. These intact
buried Romano-British remains on the island supplement less precise but wider
occupation evidence derived from several hundred third to fourth century
pottery fragments from exposed surfaces and excavations both on the island and
the adjacent mainland. Some late third-mid fourth century coins in a leather
purse have also been found near the mainland wards of the medieval castle.
The scale of the known settlement increases dramatically in quantity, area,
and diversity in the following period, dated by associated pottery to the
fifth and sixth centuries AD and termed `post-Roman' below. Structural remains
of this period are visible on the surface and, with occupation layers, buried
beneath later deposits and structures.
Visible post-Roman remains include the earliest definition of the island and
adjacent mainland area as a fortified entity. The cliffs of the island and
neck are natural obstacles to seaward approach, while the mainland approach is
restricted by a steep drop to the valley on the north east and by the sheer
faces of an elevated crag on the south west. The only moderate access route,
between the crag and the steep valley side, was constricted by a north east-
south west ditch, 10m wide, 4.5m deep and flat-bottomed, with an inner
rampart, leaving a narrow entrance by the east face of the crag. The inner
rampart was later altered by the insertion along it of the 13th century
castle's lower ward wall with associated ground-raising deposits.
Within the fortified area, post-Roman surface features include a complex of
small subrectangular buildings, commonly c.7m long by c.4m wide internally,
visible with associated features across the south, centre and north east of
the island's plateau and on narrow terraces along the island's steep southern
and eastern flanks. Most are blanketed by thick turf but in 1983 a fire on
the plateau revealed slight rubble foundation courses associated with fifth-
sixth century pottery, together with a row of small pits where stake-points
had chipped into bedrock. The remains show some internal organisation. The
southern third of the plateau contains a spread of closely-spaced small
buildings accompanied by slight hollows denoting well-used trackways. A
similar clustering of buildings extends over a smaller area on the north of
the plateau. The centre of the plateau has a looser scatter of buildings in a
relatively sheltered location, focussing on an ovoid area, c.50m east-west by
c.45m north-south, defined by a curving bank. This area contains at least six
subrectangular buildings in its western half while its eastern half is
occupied by four NNW-SSE terraced field strips, 7m-10m wide. At the south west
crest of the plateau, slight ditches define further rectilinear plots on the
steep upper slope.
The building remains on the island's south and east flanks are of similar form
to those on the plateau but occur on narrow terraces levelled into the steep
rocky slope. The precipitous topography dictates that the terraces are often
small, some with only individual structures visible while others extend along
the contour to support several buildings partitioning the terrace length.
Denser clusters of terraces are visible on the upper slope to each side of the
plateau's south east corner and overlooking a steep eastern spur that ends at
the coast on the `Iron Gate', the site of a later medieval defended quay.
The post-Roman buildings show evidence for structural development, some walls
appearing to overlie features of earlier buildings, particularly evident in
areas reconstructed for public view on the east of the plateau and the eastern
flank. Later phases appear as larger rectangular buildings whose date remains
to be confirmed, whether as late post-Roman structures or as later medieval
remains. Their excavated rubble walls are generally straight with squared
corners, with ground plans commonly c.10m long by c.5m wide internally but in
some instances up to 17m long by 7m wide. Some are partitioned, giving two or
three rooms; a slab-built hearth and small oven associated with such buildings
are exposed on the north of the plateau. These larger buildings dominate the
reconstructions presented for public view and form clusters on the north and
south east of the plateau, on the upper slope terrace south of the plateau's
south east corner, and on the eastern flank terraces. More spaced large
buildings are also visible elsewhere on the plateau.
Much of the character of this post-Roman settlement has been revealed by
excavation and by study of its pottery finds. The early 1990s excavations
revealed intact post-Roman occupation levels associated with walled buildings
on newly recognised slight terraces on the island's east flank, confirming a
far greater extent of buried remains of this period than is readily visible.
Excavation has also shown that the 13th century castle's great hall was built
on deep ground-raising dumps containing redeposited post-Roman debris
overlying intact rubble walling set in clay. The eroding cliff section
truncating the great hall confirms a substantial bedrock hollow beneath that
part of the castle, with post-Roman occupation terraced across the hollow and
associated with extensive intact deposits. As the most sheltered large area
available for building on the island, near the landing point on the east coast
and controlling access to the mainland, this buried terraced occupation is
considered to mark the site of the chief buildings of the post-Roman
settlement.
On the mainland, excavation outside the north east of the later castle's lower
ward has shown intact post-Roman occupation levels with a clay-floored oven,
slate-lined hearths and numerous stake-holes, associated with fifth-sixth
century pottery and a 450-500 AD date from analysis of the oven fabric. Post-
Roman pottery has also been found elsewhere within the castle's lower and
upper wards. The steep slope from the lower ward to the valley floor also
contains slight terraces similar to those supporting post-Roman occupation on
the island's east coast.
The monument's post-Roman pottery highlights the unusual nature of its fifth-
sixth century settlement; it is dominated by imported material from various
North African and eastern Mediterranean sources, including fragments of fine
table wares: plates and bowls; numerous amphorae (wine and oil jars) of
various forms, together with their neck-stoppers, and some cooking pots and
jars in coarser fabrics. Fragments of fine glass drinking vessels from
continental Europe or Egypt have also been recovered. This monument has
produced more imported pottery of this period than the combined total from all
other sites in the British Isles, emphasising the unparalleled scale of the
post-Roman defended area at Tintagel as a controlled point of entry for ship-
borne high status goods during the fifth and sixth centuries.
In post-Roman south west England, the wealth and motivation to attract such
trade and the power to restrict it to such a controlled point lay with the
rulers of the kingdom of Dumnonia, the inheritors of political authority in
the area following the collapse of the Roman administration in the earlier
fifth century. The monument's post-Roman occupation is considered to reflect a
settlement of that kingdom's ruling elite, operating under their sanction as a
major focus for long distance maritime trade and the point of contact with the
kingdom's internal trade network. It is unclear what was exchanged for the
prestigious imports though it is considered that the principal goods traded
out would come through tribute and exchange from the wider hinterland in the
region controlled by the kingdom's rulers.
A broader context for the monument's post-Roman occupation is provided by
contemporary remains nearby, especially from Tintagel parish churchyard where
excavation has revealed a post-Roman burial ground also with imported pottery
and considered to be directly associated with the contemporary occupation
within this monument. Unlike this monument's occupation, which seems to have
ceased from the seventh to the 11th century, the burial ground continued as a
sacred site after the sixth century, forming the site for successive
pre-Norman churches.
Pottery forms of the seventh to eleventh centuries AD are absent from the
monument, suggesting an occupation break that ends with 11th-12th century
carved stonework from remains of a small chapel on the south east of the
island plateau. The chapel's dedication was to St Juliot, a Celtic saint, also
corrupted to `Juliane' or confused with St Julitta, and among its carved stone
was a granite font of 11th century form, now relocated to the mainland parish
church of Tintagel. The font, its implied baptismal right, and dedication to a
Cornish saint support the chapel's origin as a landowner's 11th century
foundation, an estate church, before the developing parochial system reserved
baptismal and other rights to the mainland parish church. Detailed survey has
shown the chapel was built up from a pre-existing post-Roman rectangular
building lying almost east-west, 11.75m long by 3.7m wide, with walls 0.8m
thick. Conversion to the early phase small church included creating a new
doorway in the south wall, near the south west corner, still visible flanked
by its low porch-walls. Further visible modifications, described below, result
from its 13th century refurbishment as a chapel to serve the castle.
Folk memory of its association with post-Roman rulers of Dumnonia may have
inspired the inclusion of Tintagel in two cycles of stories circulating in the
12th century. In Geoffrey of Monmouth's `History of the Kings of Britain',
c.1137, Tintagel is named as the site of the conception of the legendary
Arthur. Geoffrey's `History' proved highly influential and founded a wealth of
Arthurian myths still associated with this monument. The other cycle
identifies Tintagel as the residence of King Mark in most early versions of
the Tristan and Iseult stories, lacking reference to an Arthur figure. Under
the influence of these stories, popular at all social levels throughout
Europe, Tintagel rose to prominence because of its mythic past, despite then
being a windswept headland in the relatively obscure Manor of Bossiney, held
by a sub-tenant of the Earl of Cornwall.
The heir to the manor attempted to harness this growing legendary fame by
adopting the name `de Tintagel' in 1207, but this was soon overtaken in a
more radical fashion by Richard, Earl of Cornwall, who acquired Tintagel
Island and the rest of Bossiney Manor as part of his personal estate between
1233 and 1236. His motivation was to bolster his regional authority and wider
prestige as heir to the seat of the legendary Cornish rulers, acclaimed across
Europe as leading players in a mythical `Golden Age'. He immediately
reinforced his objective by building a castle at Tintagel, already underway by
1233.
Earl Richard's castle has three wards, on each side of the neck to the
island. The two mainland wards occupy the area already defined by the fifth-
sixth century ditch and rampart and by the crag on the south west. The post-
Roman entrance, constricted by the ditch to run alongside the crag, was reused
for the castle and enhanced by a walled enclosure along the full length of the
crag's side, flanked on its east by a 5m wide ditch. The foot of the crag is
also flanked on the south by a ditch-like bedrock hollow, 10m wide and 1.75m
deep, hindering close approach. The castle's entrance is approached by
hollowed trackways descending the steep slope to the south from the western
crest of the valley and from the direction of the parish church.
The castle's lower ward, between the ditch and the neck, is defined by a
curtain wall surviving on the south east and north east, enclosing a
subrectangular area 48m long, north west-south east, by up to 25m wide. As
elsewhere in the castle, the wall is of irregular slate rubble, built through
and laid to course. On the south east the curtain was built along the post-
Roman inner rampart. On the north east, it was dug through post-Roman
occupation levels on the upper slope; beyond the wall, a smoothed upper slope
extends c.6.5m down to an artificial bank above the valley's rocky scarp.
Small rectangular bases outside each end of the north east wall supported
temporary platforms for the wall's construction. Beside the crag the lower
ward has an arched gateway with remnants of greenstone facing and quoins, also
found elsewhere in the castle; above, former upper chamber walls rise over 5m,
supported by massive buttresses. The lower ward interior was levelled from a
sloping and partly terraced post-Roman surface. By the south east wall are
remains of a staircase to the wall walk, its lower end truncated by a later
room built against the gateway. A double staircase to the wall walk rises
behind the north east wall.
The upper ward is defined by a substantial curtain wall, up to 5m high, along
the east and south east perimeter of the crag. Cliff erosion truncates this
wall on the west, where the ward is defined by a later slighter wall with
garderobe chambers (toilets) against its outer side at each end; steps rise to
a floor over the southern garderobe. Traces of a staircase to a wall walk
survive on the east of the ward. Within the upper ward are several large rooms
whose broad lower courses suggest former upper floors. To their north is
walling of a group of smaller service rooms level with the rear of the gateway
and relating to access into the ward.
The third, inner, ward occupies the sheltered midslope hollow on the island by
its neck with the mainland. Much of the inner ward's southern edge has eroded
away but the cliff section and limited excavation have elucidated the sequence
of building in this ward. The curtain wall was initially built along the east,
on terraced post-Roman layers near the foot of the slope. Behind the curtain
the ground was raised to 3m above the post-Roman terraces and a great hall was
built on the resulting levelled surface, its outer wall rising from the
curtain. The hall was 9m wide internally but of uncertain length, its south
east end having eroded over the cliff. The curtain wall was then built north
west from the hall and backed by further levelling dumps to complete the
definition of the ward's eastern side. Service rooms were begun against the
extended wall but before completion, lateral pressure from the weight of the
levelling dumps and the great hall caused the curtain wall beneath the hall to
bulge. To counter this, buttresses were added to that wall and, as a
precaution, against the extended curtain wall. Walling of the service rooms is
visible within the curtain.
The inner ward curtain wall was then extended across the northern end of the
hollow, where it incorporates an arched doorway, and along the crest of a
rocky scarp that defines the western limit of the hollow. The eastern sector
of this wall retains its stepped upper profile with pitched masonry coping,
converting to battlements over and east of the doorway. The ward's curtain
originally completed the circuit along the southern cliff but there it is
almost entirely lost to erosion apart from a short curving remnant high up in
the western sector. The battlemented wall with the present entrance door along
the south edge of the ward is a 19th century addition.
Later alterations include garderobe chutes added outside the great hall and
service rooms. The great hall was modified in several stages, initially
partitioned to give a chamber at the north west but eventually reduced in size
to a small two-storey building within the former hall, with two rooms on each
floor, a rear staircase to the upper rooms and fireplaces on each floor. This
building is considered to be the chamber and kitchen of the 14th century
constable of the castle. A two-roomed lodging was built on a rock-cut site on
the west of the ward, opposite the service rooms. The lodgings include a
fireplace in the south east room and a staircase beside the south east wall.
From the inner ward a track descends north to a small coastal spur on
the island's east flank where the cliff drops vertically to form a natural
quay. This quay and its potential as an enemy landing point were
controlled by a straight battlemented wall with a wall-walk, built north west-
south east across the base of the spur. The wall is pierced by an arched
doorway, known as the `Iron Gate', and is backed by a slight terrace. From the
doorway, a hollowed path descends to the cliff edge where there are two rock-
cut beam sockets associated with use of the quay. Later, a lower battlemented
wall closed the south east end of the terrace behind the Iron Gate.
The earlier church on the island plateau was refurbished as the castle's
extra-parochial chapel. Visible features of this phase include vertical
grooves cut in the north and south walls for a screen separating nave from
chancel, the kerbed chancel step and the addition of a small square structure
at the west end, possibly a low tower, incorporating a new entrance; the
earlier entrance was blocked. A masonry altar-block topped by a granite slab
may also derive from the 13th century use, though the slab was replaced on the
block in the 19th century after reuse in a 16th century defence described
below. Excavation in the chancel revealed shallow slate-lined graves, now
masked and believed to be of the castle's 13th-15th century chaplains. Four
rock-cut east-west graves form a small cemetery north of the chapel; three
found by excavation in the 1930s are now masked, the fourth, popularly termed
`King Arthur's Bed', is visible, covered by modern slate slabs, near the cliff
edge north east of the chapel.
On the west of the island plateau, a tunnel cut WNW-ESE through bedrock is
considered to be a naturally-ventilated food store serving the castle, whose
wards' sub-surface geology rendered a cool store impracticable in their
integral design. The tunnel has a pointed-arched profile, to 1.9m wide and
1.85m high, extending as a fully underground feature for c.8m and sloping down
to the WNW. The floor and sides extend from each end as an open rock-cut
channel, due partly to roof-collapse, continuing the tunnel's profile and
slope over a full length of c.27m. In the western channel are vertical slots
on each side for door jambs.
A walled garden was built on the east of the plateau, visible as a
rectilinear enclosure 20m long, north east-south west, and tapering from 15m
wide at the south east to 12.5m at the north west. It is defined by a rubble
wall up to 1.5m wide and 0.9m high, overlying walls of the post-Roman
settlement which project from near the north corner. It has an entrance, 0.9m
wide, in the south east wall near the south corner. The garden's levelled
surface contains a pattern of paths, up to 0.9m wide with edges defined by
small edge-set slates: a rectilinear path extends around the periphery while
another bisects the garden north east-south west; one edge-set slab marks off
the extreme east corner of the interior. The garden was an original feature of
Earl Richard's 13th century castle: a garden at King Mark's court is an
important setting in several episodes of the Tristan and Iseult stories and
the inclusion of this garden provided a further tangible reinforcement of
Richard's intended connection of the real place with the mythical events. By
its first record in the 16th century by John Leland, the garden was already
sufficiently old for its function to have become uncertain.
To supplement the island's sparse water sources, a well was sunk near the
centre of the plateau, 1.5m in diameter and 4.25m deep, lined with rubble
walling; excavation produced 13th century pottery from its base. Two springs
on the island's steep north east and north west flanks also have artificial
surrounds of unknown date. A damp hollow cut 15m south of the well is
considered to be a much later provision of surface water for grazing sheep.
Historical sources supplement our knowledge of the castle. Accounts of 1305
describe the castle as manned by a constable, chaplain and lesser officials,
but between 1328 and 1336, John Earl of Cornwall had dismantled the major roof
timbers of the great hall. A survey in 1337 of possessions of the newly-
created Duchy of Cornwall describes the castle with two chambers over the
gateway, a stable for eight horses in the lower ward, a cellar, a disused
bakehouse, and a chamber with small kitchen for the constable in the site of
the great hall. The chapel and its priest are mentioned, as is the lease of
grazing on the island. The castle held important prisoners on several
occasions after Earl Richard was accused of sheltering the Welsh prince David
ap Llywelyn at Tintagel Castle in 1245. In 1307, Thomas, Earl of Warwick was
imprisoned there, and possibly John de Northampton, Lord Mayor of London, in
1384-5. By 1478 the castle was described as in ruins by William of Worcester,
confirmed by Leland in 1540, when sheep and rabbits grazed the island.
In 1583, Sir Richard Grenville surveyed Tintagel for potential landing sites
for invading Spanish forces, recommending two small blockhouses, called
rampiers, on the north of the island to cover a possible landing site on the
cliffs below. His proposals were rejected but features at the sites of his
intended rampiers suggest they were commenced. One is a levelled rectangular
stance, 5.5m NNE-SSW by 4.5m ESE-WNW, below the crest of the island's northern
cliff; it has a rubble backscarp revetment and a turf-covered wall along its
SSW edge. The other is 35m to the south on the plateau, now partly rebuilt as
the northern structure in a group of building reconstructions; it is a single
rectangular room, 3.5m long, north east-south west, by 2.3m wide internally,
with a rubble wall 0.3m high and an entrance in its south east wall near the
south corner. In 1817 this building was noted as c.1.8m high with two window
openings to the right of the entrance and contained the granite slab later
moved to the chapel to cover the altar-block.
The rubble needed for the castle and its related features accounts for
numerous quarried faces and hollows on bedrock exposures around the island.
Quarried hollows on the lower valley slopes below the castle's lower ward also
reflect extensive slate-quarrying in this area from at least the later 15th
century to the early 20th century. Later phases include rock-cut and wall-
revetted stances for horse engines, called whim platforms, sockets for crane
beams and rock-cut walkways at the head of Tintagel Haven, where the slate was
transferred to coastal vessels. A circular whim platform and its access track
are located by the cliff edge and valley floor in the north of the monument's
mainland sector.
Mining for the lead-silver ore, galena, has also left traces; in 1870 a
horizontal tunnel, called an adit, was sunk into a fault in the island's south
east cliff to extract galena. A contemporary photograph shows a path in a deep
groove cut along the cliff face from the island neck to the adit, carried over
a large cave by a wooden walkway. The groove also held the mine's water pipe
which descended the steep slope from the lower ward. The adit and rock-cut
groove survive in the cliff face; excavation in the lower ward has revealed a
trench containing a ceramic pipe of 0.3m diameter bore, considered to be the
mine's water supply pipe.
All English Heritage site buildings, modern built structures (apart from built
reconstructions), drains and their trenches, fixtures, fittings, notices and
fire equipment are excluded from the scheduling but the ground beneath them is
included. Also excluded from the scheduling are the life-saving equipment and
supports, the telescope in the lower ward, all public footpath waymarkers and
National Trust signs, modern field walls, stiles and footbridges but the
ground beneath them is included.

MAP EXTRACT
The site of the monument is shown on the attached map extract.
It includes a 2 metre boundary around the archaeological features,
considered to be essential for the monument's support and preservation.

Source: Historic England

Reasons for Scheduling

The complex sequence of surviving remains on Tintagel Island and the adjacent
mainland clearly demonstrates the major significance that this headland has
held for successive societies since the Roman period, with peaks of activity
and social status during the fifth to sixth centuries and the 13th century for
related, though markedly differing, reasons. From an unusual expression of
later Roman settlement in south west England, the monument developed into a
defended early post-Roman settlement unparalleled nationally in its quality
and quantity of evidence as a focus for trading links with the Mediterranean
and in its size and structural diversity. A combination of factors imply that
the fifth-sixth century occupation in this monument directly served the
highest social ranks of the period. Consequently this monument is of major
importance for our knowledge of social organisation and economic relations on
a regional, national and international scale during the relatively poorly
known early post-Roman phase. This is much enhanced by the good surviving
structural integrity of the remains from this period, despite the construction
of the later castle over part of its site. Neither is its integrity seriously
affected by the excavations that have greatly elucidated the nature of the
monument in this phase: these have been limited, affecting under 5% of the
monument's area available for settlement, and leaving virtually untouched the
thick stratified deposits beneath the castle's inner ward, identified as the
likely core of the post-Roman settlement. The importance of the monument's
post-Roman remains is further increased by their surviving wider local
context, notably the post-Roman burial ground focussed on Tintagel parish
churchyard (beyond this monument), and considered to have been directly
associated with and complementary to the contemporary occupation of this
monument. Later, the establishment of the chapel on the island provides a good
and rare example showing the nature of ecclesiastical provision in the era
leading up to the installation of the parochial system.
The monument's appearance in major 12th century story-cycles has lent it
widespread fame ever since, and though bearing indirectly on the physical
remains, the evolution to the present day of the monument's role in these
stories provides an unusually well-documented example of the manner and
motives by which folk memory and, later, recorded myths and legends can
progress through time. The current expression of those myths and legends
remains the medium by which this monument achieves its greatest renown.
As an early attempt to exploit the monument's legendary acclaim for personal
prestige, the non-strategic situation of the 13th century castle provides an
unusually clear and early illustration of those motivations other than the
purely military that stimulated castle-building at this period. These include
the expression of personal vanity and the desire to impress, which elsewhere
are usually overlapped with military and strategic considerations until
several centuries later. On a more detailed level, the difficult topography of
the castle's site and the evident measures to overcome problems that ensued
provide unusually good insights into the logistics of castle construction at
that time.

Source: Historic England

Sources

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Thomas, C, Tintagel Arthur and Archaeology, (1993)
Thomas, C, Tintagel Arthur and Archaeology, (1993)
Thomas, C, Tintagel Arthur and Archaeology, (1993)
Thomas, C, Tintagel Castle, (1986)
Thomas, C, Tintagel Castle, (1986)
Thomas, C, Tintagel Castle, (1986)
Batey, C, Sharpe, A, Thorpe, C, 'Cornish Archaeology' in Tintagel Castle: Arch Investigation Of Steps Area 1989 And 1990, , Vol. 32, (1993), 47-66
CAU, , 'Archaeology Alive' in Round-up for 1994-5; recording,etc, , Vol. 3, (1995), 8
Hartgroves, S, 'Cornish Archaeology' in The Cup-marked Stones of Stithians Reservoir, (1987), 69-84
Hartgroves, S, 'Cornish Archaeology' in The Cup-marked Stones of Stithians Reservoir, (1987), 69-84
Hartgroves, S, Walker, R, 'Cornish Studies' in Excavations in the Lower Ward, Tintagel Castle, 1986, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 9-30
Hartgroves, S, Walker, R, 'Cornish Studies' in Excavations in the Lower Ward, Tintagel Castle, 1986, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 9-30
Hartgroves, S, Walker, R, 'Cornish Studies' in Excavations in the Lower Ward, Tintagel Castle, 1986, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 9-30
Jones Pierce, T , 'Wales Through The Ages' in The Age of the Two Llywelyns, (1971), 113-120
Morris, C D, 'British Archaeology' in Not King Arthur, but King Someone, (1995), 9
Morris, C D, 'British Archaeology' in Not King Arthur, but King Someone, (1995)
Morris, C D, 'British Archaeology' in Not King Arthur, but King Someone, (1995), 9
Morris, C D, 'Cornish Archaeology' in Tintagel Island 1991: An Interim Report, , Vol. 31, (1991), 135-137
Morris, C D, Nowakowski, J, Thomas, C, 'Antiquity' in Tintagel, Cornwall: The 1990 Excavations, , Vol. 64, (1990), 843-9
Morris, C D, 'Cornish Archaeology' in Tintagel Island 1991: An Interim Report, , Vol. 31, (1992), 135-137
Morris, C D, 'Cornish Archaeology' in Tintagel Island 1990: An Interim Report, , Vol. 30, (1991), 260-262
Padel, O J, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Tintagel In The Twelfth And Thirteenth Centuries, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 61-66
Ratcliffe, J, 'Cornish Archaeology' in Excavation: Duckpool, , Vol. 32, (1993), 176-7
Rose, P, 'Cornish Archaeology' in The Medieval Garden At Tintagel Castle, , Vol. 33, (1994), 170-182
Rose, P, 'Cornish Archaeology' in The Medieval Garden At Tintagel Castle, , Vol. 33, (1994), 170-182
Rose, P, 'Cornish Archaeology' in The Medieval Garden At Tintagel Castle, , Vol. 33, (1994), 170-182
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies' in The 1988 CAU Excavations At Tintagel Island; Implications, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 49-60
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Minor Sites at Tintagel Island, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 31-48
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Minor Sites at Tintagel Island, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 31-48
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Minor Sites at Tintagel Island, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 31-48
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Minor Sites at Tintagel Island, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 31-48
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Minor Sites at Tintagel Island, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 31-48
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in Minor Sites at Tintagel Island, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 31-48
Thomas, C, 'Cornish Studies (Tintagel Papers)' in The 1988 CAU Excavations At Tintagel Island: Discoveries, Etc, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 49-60
Thorpe, C M, 'Cornish Studies' in Incised Pictorial Slates from Tintagel, , Vol. 16(1988), (1989), 69-78
Other
Appleton, N, Fox, P & Waters, A, Tintagel Castle survey and excavation at Inner Ward, Chapel, etc, 1988, Unpublished CAU excavation report
Appleton, N, Fox, P & Waters, A, Tintagel Castle survey and excavation at Inner Ward, Chapel, etc, 1988, Unpublished CAU excavation report
Appleton, N, Fox, P & Waters, A, Tintagel Castle survey and excavation at Inner Ward, Chapel, etc, 1988, Unpublished CAU excavation report
Appleton, N, Fox, P & Waters, A, Tintagel Castle survey and excavation at Inner Ward, Chapel, etc, 1988, Unpublished CAU excavation report
Consulted 1995, Cornwall SMR entry for PRN 23062,
Consulted 1995, Cornwall SMR entry for PRN 23096,
DoE/EH, Ancient Monuments Terrier for CO 279, Tintagel Castle, (1984)
DoE/HBMC, Ancient Monuments Terrier for CO 279, Tintagel Castle, (1984)
DoE/HBMC, Scheduling documentation and Ancient Monuments Terrier for CO 279, 1984,
Harry, R & Morris, C D eds, Tintagel Castle Excavations 1994, 1995, Interim report
Sharpe, A, A New Quay at Tintagel Haven, 1994, Unpublished note in CAU records
Thomas, C, Provisional List of Imported Pottery in Post-Roman West Britain/Ireland, 1981, Appendix II Tintagel, etc, by O Padel
Title: 1:10000 Ordnance Survey Map, SX 08 NW & NE
Source Date: 1980
Author:
Publisher:
Surveyor:

Title: 1:10000 Ordnance Survey Map: SX 08 NW & NE
Source Date: 1980
Author:
Publisher:
Surveyor:

Title: 1:10000 Ordnance Survey Map; SX 08 NW & NE
Source Date: 1980
Author:
Publisher:
Surveyor:

Title: 1:10000 Ordnance Survey Maps; SX 08 NW & NE
Source Date: 1980
Author:
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Title: 1:2500 Ordnance Survey Maps: SX 0488; SX 0489; SX 0588; SX 0589
Source Date: 1980
Author:
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Surveyor:

Title: 1:2500 Ordnance Survey Maps; SX 0488; SX 0489; SX 0588; SX 0589
Source Date: 1980
Author:
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Title: 1:25000 Ordnance Survey Map; SX 08/18, Camelford
Source Date: 1986
Author:
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Title: 1:25000 Ordnance Survey Maps, SW 87/97; SX 07/17; SX 08/18
Source Date: 1986
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Source: Historic England

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